Considerations on the Government of Poland is an essay by French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau concerning the design of a new constitution for the people of Poland (or more exactly, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth). It represents Rousseau's last venture into political theory.
In the early 1770's, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was in a particularly challenging situation, threatened by its neighbors on all sides, particularly Russia, Prussia and Austria. In an attempt to retain independence against the superior military might of the three great powers, some Poles joined together to form the Bar Confederation. One member of the confederation, a Count Wielhorski, approached both Rousseau and Gabriel Bonnot de Mably to submit suggestions for the reformation of Poland's unique "Golden Liberty," which had deteriorated from a semi-republican, semi-democratic political system into a state of virtual anarchy.
Mably’s recommendations were completed in two installments, the first in August 1770 and the second in July 1771. Generally, he called for more radical and substantial changes than Rousseau was to suggest; he was also able to finish his recommendations in a more timely fashion than Rousseau.[1] It was not until 1772 that Rousseau completed his essay. By the time he finished, the First Partition of Poland had already occurred, on February 17, 1772. Russia, Prussia, and Austria had invaded and occupied much of Poland.
The Government of Poland was not published until after Rousseau's death.
Rousseau's work influenced the Polish Constitution of May 3, 1791, the world's second modern codified constitution.
CONSIDERATIONS ON THE GOVERNMENT OF POLAND April 1772
English translation of the full text
http://www.constitution.org/jjr/poland.htm
I really like the way he writes.
defenceless against her aggressors and at the height of her misfortunes and anarchy, still shows all the fire of youth; she dares to ask for a government and for laws, as if she were newly born. She is in chains, and discusses the means of remaining free; she feels in herself the kind of force that the forces of tyranny cannot overcome. I seem to see Rome, under siege, tranquilly disposing of the land on which the enemy had just pitched camp. Worthy Poles, beware! Beware lest, in your eagerness to improve, you may worsen your condition. In thinking of what you wish to gain, do not forget what you may lose. Correct, if possible, the abuses of your constitution; but do not despise that constitution which has made you what you are.
You love liberty; you are worthy of it; you have defended it against a powerful and crafty aggressor who, under the pretence of offering you the bonds of friendship, was loading you down with the chains of servitude. Now, wearied by the troubles of your fatherland, you are sighing for tranquillity. That can, I think, be very easily won; but to preserve it along with liberty, that is what I find difficult It is in the bosom of the very anarchy you hate that were formed those patriotic souls who have saved you from the yoke of slavery. They were falling into lethargic sleep; the tempest has reawakened them. Having broken the chains that were being prepared for them, they feel the heaviness of fatigue. They would like to combine the peace of despotism with the sweets of liberty. I fear that they may be seeking contradictory things. Repose and liberty seem to me to be incompatible; it is necessary to choose between them.
No matter what is done, before Poland has been placed in a position to resist her enemies, she will be overwhelmed by them a hundred times. The virtue of her citizens, their patriotic zeal, the particular way in which national institutions may be able to form their souls, this is the only rampart which will always stand ready to defend her, and which no army will ever be able to breach. If you see to it that no Pole can ever become a Russian, I guarantee that Russia will not subjugate Poland.
Today, no matter what people may say, there are no longer any Frenchmen, Germans, Spaniards, or even Englishmen; there are only Europeans. All have the same tastes, the same passions, the same manners, for no one has been shaped along national lines by peculiar institutions. All, in the same circumstances, will do the same things; all will call themselves unselfish, and be rascals; all will talk of the public welfare, and think only of themselves; all will praise moderation, and wish to be as rich as Croesus. They have no ambition but for luxury, they have no passion but for gold; sure that money will buy them all their hearts desire, they all are ready to sell themselves to the first bidder. What do they care what master they obey, under the laws of what state they live? Provided they can find money to steal and women to corrupt, they feel at home in any country.
Incline the passions of the Poles in a different direction, and you will give their souls a national physiognomy which will distinguish them from other peoples, which will prevent them from mixing, from feeling at ease with those peoples, from allying themselves with them; you will give them a vigour which will supplant the abusive operation of vain precepts, and which will make them do through preference and passion that which is never done sufficiently well when done only for duty or interest. These are the souls on which appropriate legislation will take hold. They will obey the laws without evasion because those laws suit them and rest on the inward assent of their will. Loving the fatherland, they will serve it zealously and with all their hearts. Given this sentiment alone, legislation, even if it were bad, would make good citizens; and it is always good citizens alone that constitute the power and prosperity of the state.
Who would guess that the mighty philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau influenced the Polish Constitution of May 3?
I hope some people finds this interesting :)
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